We had an extraordinary problem and no one was shirking the issue. When I arrived, the executive were in the middle of a discussion. A very nice and interesting fellow–no doubt about that but certainly never a revolutionary. He later became Sir Francis Meynell and for a time was editor of our paper, The Communist. The executive were meeting at Francis Meynell’s house. I was about to leave the office when a word whispered in my ear, “Meynell” gave me the clue. Everyone was very cagey, as well they might be in such a situation. When I got to King Street I was told the executive had been bailed out and were in session, although no one seemed to know where they were. I read of the arrests in the newspaper and immediately packed my bag and came to London.

I was working in Liverpool when it happened. In October came the arrest of the Communist Party executive members, known then and since as the “Arrest of the Twelve”. Up till then many Communists had been delegates from their trade unions.įollowing this decision, only days later, came the second blow from the Tory Party conference, where the delegates demanded “action against the Communists strong measures against the revolutionary movement in Britain” There is no doubt in my mind that the decisions of these two conferences, particularly that of the Labour Party, laid the foundation for the sweeping offensive against the working class which followed in 19.

On September 31 the Labour Party conference passed a resolution excluding Communists from acting as delegates to the Labour Party conference. Since the birth of the Communist Party its members had worked unceasingly and unselfishly for the unity of the labour movement. In September came the first blow, strangely enough, at the conference of the Labour Party. Government ministers at their meetings in the country were saying, “We are not to be dictated to by the T.U.C. While recognising and sharing in the victory, the Communist Party warned that the government was only biding its time and was making preparations for a real attack. The Daily Herald called this Red Friday, the day of trade union victory, to distinguish it from Black Friday in 1921 when the Triple Alliance was burst asunder and the employers won. They gave way and instituted legislation giving the coal-owners a subsidy for nine months to maintain the wages and hours of labour of the miners. Now the chips were down and the government’s bluff was called. and the miners’ leaders a resolution for action was passed and it was agreed that, as from the 3rst July, the transport unions would instruct their members not to move coal by road or rail. The government was fully supporting the coal-owners.Īt a further meeting of the T.U.C.

and the Miners’ Federation leaders met Baldwin, but his answer to their request to stop the wage cuts was a blunt “no”. to support them in their fight against these demands. The Miners’ Federation called on the T.U.C. In June the mine owners issued notices at the pits terminating all existing national and district agreements and demanding wage cuts and longer hours. Stanley Baldwin, the Tory prime minister, was adamant that “the wages of all workers must come down.” The wages and conditions of all workers were under attack. The big industrial fight was against wage cuts, particularly in the mining industry. In the discussions we had in the party leadership it was quite clear to us the way the wind was blowing. In 1925, with their big majority in Parliament, the government and the Tory Party intensified their offensive against the working class.

Black friday general strike